Around the world
tendencia al drama y al optimismo
Thursday 23 February 2012
Monday 13 February 2012
tarde, mejor que nunca
os deseo un feliz anho nuevo sin deferencia (segun la RAE(.es): Adhesión al dictamen o proceder ajeno, por respeto o por excesiva moderación.)
Sunday 18 December 2011
SHOCK DOCTRINE // LA DOCTRINA DEL SHOCK
To understand the current crisis, as a continuous manipulation, until we stand up and together we say: enough is enough
Para entender la actual crisis, el continuum de la manipulacion, hasta que unamos y juntxs digamos: ya basta
Para entender la actual crisis, el continuum de la manipulacion, hasta que unamos y juntxs digamos: ya basta
Saturday 3 December 2011
Friday 2 December 2011
Moral panic? No. We are resisting the pornification of women
"Sexualisation" has become a much-debated issue in recent years, and a noticeable feature is the assumption that feminists who oppose sexual objectification are generating a "moral panic". Ever since sociologist Stanley Cohen introduced the term in 1972 it has been used as a shorthand way of critiquing conservatives for inventing another "problem" in order to demonise a group that challenges traditional moral standards.
So apparently feminists are now the conservatives fomenting unnecessary panic about the proliferation of "sexualised" images while the corporate-controlled media industry that mass produces these images is the progressive force for change being unfairly demonised. What a strange turn of events.
To suggest feminists who oppose the pornification of society are stirring up a moral panic is to confuse a politically progressive movement with rightwing attempts to police sexual behaviour. We can, of course, identify just such a conservative strand in current debates in Britain: interventions of the coalition government include calls for girls to be given lessons in how to practise abstinence and attacks on abortion rights. But feminists who organise against pornification are not arguing that sexualised images of women cause moral decay; rather that they perpetuate myths of women's unconditional sexual availability and object status, and thus undermine women's rights to sexual autonomy, physical safety and economic and social equality. The harm done to women is not a moral harm but a political one, and any analysis must be grounded in a critique of the corporate control of our visual landscape.
The left has a long history of fighting capitalist ownership of the media. From Karl Marx to Antonio Gramsci to Noam Chomsky, leftist thinkers have understood the corporate media to be the propaganda machine for capitalist ideas and values. By mainstreaming the ideologies of the elite, corporate-controlled media shapes our identities as workers and consumers, selling an image of success and happiness tied to the consumption of products that generate enormous wealth for the elite class. Alternative views are at best marginalised and at worst ridiculed.
No one in progressive circles would suggest for a moment that criticism of the corporate media is a moral panic. Chomsky has never, as far as we know, been called a "moral entrepreneur", yet those of us who organise against the corporations that churn out sexist imagery are regularly dismissed as stirring moral panic.
The industry-engineered image of femininity has now become the dominant one in western society, crowding out alternative ways of being female. The clothes, cosmetics, diets, gym membership, trips to the hair salon, the waxing salon and the nail salon add up to a lot of money. Even in these dark economic times, when women are experiencing the most severe financial hardship, the UK beauty business is booming.
Women's self-loathing is big business, and supports a global capitalist system that, ironically, depends heavily on the exploitation of women's labour in developing countries. Adding insult to injury, many of these underpaid women are spending a significant proportion of their wages on skin-whitening products that promise social mobility out of the sweatshops.
In the west, cosmetic surgery is increasingly normalised. Last year in the UK, almost 9,500 women underwent breast augmentation surgery, and the number of labiaplasties has almost tripled in five years. One plastic surgeon helpfully explains on his website that labiaplasty "can sculpture the elongated or unequal labial [sic] minora (small inner lips) according to one's specification … With laser reduction labiaplasty, we can accomplish the desires of the woman". If this is not evidence of living in a sexualised culture, what is?
The emotional cost of conforming to hypersexualisation is enormous for girls and young women who are in the process of forming their gender and sexual identities. We construct our identities through complex processes of interaction with the culture around us, but today images of hypersexualisation dominate. Where is a girl to go if she decides Beyoncé, Miley Cyrus, Lady Gaga, Rihanna or Britney Spears aren't for her?
An American Psychological Association study on girls' sexualisation found that it "has negative effects in a variety of domains, including cognitive functioning, physical and mental health, sexuality, and attitudes and beliefs". Some of these effects include risky sexual behaviour, higher rates of eating disorders, depression and low self-esteem, and reduced academic performance. Of course, there are girls who resist, but there are real social penalties to be paid by those who do not conform to acceptable feminine appearance.
This weekend feminist campaigners are hosting a conference on the pornification of culture. In the buildup, mass protests were held outside the London Playboy Club and Miss World beauty contest to highlight the relationship between corporate interests and the objectification of women. The fight against the increasingly narrow and limiting image of femininity is inextricably connected to the progressive fight for democratic ownership and control of the media. This is a political struggle. Feminists are rightly concerned, but we're not panicking. We're organising.
guardian.co.uk,
So apparently feminists are now the conservatives fomenting unnecessary panic about the proliferation of "sexualised" images while the corporate-controlled media industry that mass produces these images is the progressive force for change being unfairly demonised. What a strange turn of events.
To suggest feminists who oppose the pornification of society are stirring up a moral panic is to confuse a politically progressive movement with rightwing attempts to police sexual behaviour. We can, of course, identify just such a conservative strand in current debates in Britain: interventions of the coalition government include calls for girls to be given lessons in how to practise abstinence and attacks on abortion rights. But feminists who organise against pornification are not arguing that sexualised images of women cause moral decay; rather that they perpetuate myths of women's unconditional sexual availability and object status, and thus undermine women's rights to sexual autonomy, physical safety and economic and social equality. The harm done to women is not a moral harm but a political one, and any analysis must be grounded in a critique of the corporate control of our visual landscape.
The left has a long history of fighting capitalist ownership of the media. From Karl Marx to Antonio Gramsci to Noam Chomsky, leftist thinkers have understood the corporate media to be the propaganda machine for capitalist ideas and values. By mainstreaming the ideologies of the elite, corporate-controlled media shapes our identities as workers and consumers, selling an image of success and happiness tied to the consumption of products that generate enormous wealth for the elite class. Alternative views are at best marginalised and at worst ridiculed.
No one in progressive circles would suggest for a moment that criticism of the corporate media is a moral panic. Chomsky has never, as far as we know, been called a "moral entrepreneur", yet those of us who organise against the corporations that churn out sexist imagery are regularly dismissed as stirring moral panic.
The industry-engineered image of femininity has now become the dominant one in western society, crowding out alternative ways of being female. The clothes, cosmetics, diets, gym membership, trips to the hair salon, the waxing salon and the nail salon add up to a lot of money. Even in these dark economic times, when women are experiencing the most severe financial hardship, the UK beauty business is booming.
Women's self-loathing is big business, and supports a global capitalist system that, ironically, depends heavily on the exploitation of women's labour in developing countries. Adding insult to injury, many of these underpaid women are spending a significant proportion of their wages on skin-whitening products that promise social mobility out of the sweatshops.
In the west, cosmetic surgery is increasingly normalised. Last year in the UK, almost 9,500 women underwent breast augmentation surgery, and the number of labiaplasties has almost tripled in five years. One plastic surgeon helpfully explains on his website that labiaplasty "can sculpture the elongated or unequal labial [sic] minora (small inner lips) according to one's specification … With laser reduction labiaplasty, we can accomplish the desires of the woman". If this is not evidence of living in a sexualised culture, what is?
The emotional cost of conforming to hypersexualisation is enormous for girls and young women who are in the process of forming their gender and sexual identities. We construct our identities through complex processes of interaction with the culture around us, but today images of hypersexualisation dominate. Where is a girl to go if she decides Beyoncé, Miley Cyrus, Lady Gaga, Rihanna or Britney Spears aren't for her?
An American Psychological Association study on girls' sexualisation found that it "has negative effects in a variety of domains, including cognitive functioning, physical and mental health, sexuality, and attitudes and beliefs". Some of these effects include risky sexual behaviour, higher rates of eating disorders, depression and low self-esteem, and reduced academic performance. Of course, there are girls who resist, but there are real social penalties to be paid by those who do not conform to acceptable feminine appearance.
This weekend feminist campaigners are hosting a conference on the pornification of culture. In the buildup, mass protests were held outside the London Playboy Club and Miss World beauty contest to highlight the relationship between corporate interests and the objectification of women. The fight against the increasingly narrow and limiting image of femininity is inextricably connected to the progressive fight for democratic ownership and control of the media. This is a political struggle. Feminists are rightly concerned, but we're not panicking. We're organising.
Gail Dines and Julia Long
Thursday 1 December 2011
curso basico de machismo y racismo *
Por algo fueron mujeres las víctimas de las cacerías de brujas, y no sólo en los tiempos de la Inquisición. Endemoniadas: espasmos y aullidos, quizá orgasmos, y para colmo de escándalo, orgasmos múltiples. Sólo la posesión de Satán podía explicar tanto fuego prohibido, que por el fuego era castigado. Mandaba Dios que fueran quemadas vivas las pecadoras que ardían. La envidia y el pánico ante el placer femenino no tenían nada de nuevo. Uno de los mitos más antiguos y universales, común a muchas culturas de muchos tiempos y de diversos lugares, es el mito de la vulva dentada, el sexo de la hembra como boca llena de dientes, insaciable boca de piraña que se alimenta de carne de machos. Y en este mundo de hoy, en este fin de siglo, hay ciento veinte millones de mujeres mutiladas del clítoris.
No hay mujer que no resulte sospechosa de mala conducta. Según los boleros, son todas ingratas; según los tangos, son todas putas (menos mamá). En los países del sur del mundo, una de cada tres mujeres casadas recibe palizas, como parte de la rutina conyugal, en castigo por lo que ha hecho o por lo que podría hacer:
—Estamos dormidas— dice una obrera del barrio Casavalle de Montevideo. —Algún príncipe te besa y te duerme. Cuando te despertás, el príncipe te aporrea.
Y otra:
—Yo tengo el miedo de mi madre, y mi madre tuvo el miedo de mi abuela.
Confirmaciones del derecho de propiedad: el macho propietario comprueba a golpes su derecho de propiedad sobre la hembra, como el macho y la hembra comprueban a golpes su derecho de propiedad sobre los hijos.
Y las violaciones, ¿no son, acaso, ritos que por la violencia celebran ese derecho? El violador no busca, ni encuentra, placer: necesita someter. La violación graba a fuego una marca de propiedad en el anca de la víctima, y es la expresión más brutal del carácter fálico del poder, desde siempre expresado por la flecha, la espada, el fusil, el cañón, el misil y otras erecciones.
*Fragmento
Patas arriba: la escuela del mundo al revés, Eduardo Galeano
No hay mujer que no resulte sospechosa de mala conducta. Según los boleros, son todas ingratas; según los tangos, son todas putas (menos mamá). En los países del sur del mundo, una de cada tres mujeres casadas recibe palizas, como parte de la rutina conyugal, en castigo por lo que ha hecho o por lo que podría hacer:
—Estamos dormidas— dice una obrera del barrio Casavalle de Montevideo. —Algún príncipe te besa y te duerme. Cuando te despertás, el príncipe te aporrea.
Y otra:
—Yo tengo el miedo de mi madre, y mi madre tuvo el miedo de mi abuela.
Confirmaciones del derecho de propiedad: el macho propietario comprueba a golpes su derecho de propiedad sobre la hembra, como el macho y la hembra comprueban a golpes su derecho de propiedad sobre los hijos.
Y las violaciones, ¿no son, acaso, ritos que por la violencia celebran ese derecho? El violador no busca, ni encuentra, placer: necesita someter. La violación graba a fuego una marca de propiedad en el anca de la víctima, y es la expresión más brutal del carácter fálico del poder, desde siempre expresado por la flecha, la espada, el fusil, el cañón, el misil y otras erecciones.
*Fragmento
Patas arriba: la escuela del mundo al revés, Eduardo Galeano
Sunday 20 November 2011
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